Saturday, May 17, 2008

Globalization vs. Tribalism

Here's my final paper for Global History Since 1500, a class taught by my advisor - and, really, one of the most helpful faculty members of RIC - Prof. David Thomas. He's reinvigorated my interest in Middle Eastern History and the History of Islam. He has a quaint (read: overwhelming) interest in globalization and, after reading a few books on the subject (both modern and historical commentaries), I'm beginning to develop one myself.

I find that many people have no idea as to what globalization actually is or what it means for them. Most Americans I speak to about the subject just express their ire toward subcontinental Indians who are "taking all the telemarketing jobs"; which is, to say, most Americans I speak to on the subject do not know the history of the idea of globalization. I hope they come across my blog today, boy I tell you!

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By the 1800’s, the world had turned upside down.For the grand majority of history, wealth flowed from the prosperous Far East and Near East to the comparatively backwater West – spices travelled long routes through the steppes and mountains from the majestic pavilions of divine China to be sold just off the muddy streets of warlike Europe. Problems did indeed appear: the Islamic sphere, specifically the Ottoman Empire, certainly caused a problem for the Europeans, who required (or at least desired) goods from the East and did not deign to work through Europe’s largest bordering opposing religious bloc, which led to the European entry into a historic system: the Indian Ocean Trade. Trade along the Indian Ocean was the result of much heroic exploration and a major impact in historic rises in power, such as the Portuguese Empire which grew wealthy. It also led to collapses in structure, such as the caravan system across Central Asia.

The Indian Ocean became very important to many powers, especially European or otherwise western ones, for one main reason: trade supremacy. To the Europeans, the Indian Ocean represented a method of avoidance of the Muslim world’s stranglehold on the Far East – using the body of water to travel allowed merchants and diplomats a new way of avoiding conflict with the ummah. Europeans could do their business directly with the rich foreign lands beyond. However, a major aspect of this was that of how to access the Indian Ocean without notable Muslim interaction. As of the thirteenth century, Venice’s trade with the Far East was conducted through the conduit of Alexandria, which throughout its history had been ruled by followers of Islam. The panache of the European powers and their desire for trade dominance can be seen in their ability to take initiative on the subject of Indian Ocean Trade. At one point, the Venetians had planned to outmaneuver the Egyptians and flank the Muslim powers by launching naval military expeditions into the Indian Ocean – a prime example of the importance of the Indian Ocean to westerners, and a display of frustration over the Muslim world’s hold on trade with the East.

To the powers of the East, the Indian Ocean represented the next great trade venture after the fall of the Silk Road, which the armies of Tamerlane severed by conquering many major cities along the historic trade route. This was not just the case for the powers of the Near East such as the Sultanate of Delhi or the Ilkhanate (which was responsible for the end of the Silk Road in the first place as subjects of Tamerlane) but was also the case of Ming China, which grew concerned over its loss of trade revenue with the West and sought to find a new route for trade.

Just months after the collapse of the caravan system across Central Asia, Zheng He was commissioned by the Yongle Emperor to begin his travels along the Indian Ocean to establish trade dominance.

The actions taken by the major regional powers in regards to the Indian Ocean allow for a better understanding of global history in that a major similarity can be made between all powers involved: espite cultural or societal differences, regional powers recognize the importance of trade and react accordingly. The Venetians, craving an open market with the Far East, nearly acted militarily against the Egyptian Sultanate to gain such a benefit. The Ming Chinese saw their trade collapse with the Silk Road and thus sought new ventures to continue on financially. Knowing the importance of trade supremacy and their position within the region, Ibn Battuta reports that the Sultanate of Delhi shunned casual visitors (including foreign traders) to their lands and forced pledges of allegiance and residence upon foreign guests.

These are just examples of what can be seen as a whole chain of reactions as empires and regional powers continuously react to changes made by other powers, in turn making their own changes that must be reacted to; thus, the history of the Indian Ocean can be viewed as a string of historical contingency. This contingency can be linked to the topoi system, which is seen as a long series of recurring and almost cyclical ideas and methods pertaining to history. While the setting may be different, powers will follow familiar ideas in order to achieve their goals.

The end of the Indian Ocean as a prosperous global trading network can be blamed on the discovery of the New World by European powers as well as replacement sources of resources being found outside of the Indian Ocean region. The wealth found in the New World surpasses the resources provided by trade on the Indian Ocean; riches abound began to blow into the Christian and Muslim worlds, and even as far as China did travel silver mined in the mountains of Bolivia. The victories of the Spanish conquistadores over the native Aztec and Incan forces of Mesoamerica provided gigantic amounts of gold, drawing even more attention to the New World and away from the Far East. Spanish silver became common in foreign lands as far as China, the Latin “piece of eight” meeting with newly-discovered Japanese silver to choke the East Europe began to manufacture goods that were once staples of the Eastern economy, even exporting them to the East and effectively destroying economic necessities there such as the once-plentiful textile industries of India and China.

British colonial actions in India, hundreds of years after the abandonment of the Indian Ocean Trade, can be seen as another facet of how European nation-states came to dominate the globe: the power of industrialism and technology. British use of technology allowed for the direct subduing and ruling of a subcontinent of people, consisting of many different cultural groups and identities, by a comparably small group of comparably uniform foreigners. Without technology, there is a good chance that Britain would not have made the immediate ground it did in fighting native forces in India, effectively removing the splendid jewel from the British crown. In general, Europeans were easily able to subdue native peoples into basic servitude due to a massive technological advantage. Following the initial conquering, entire populations were put to work with a specific purpose in mind – British-ruled India worked to gather huge amounts of raw materials that were shipped back to England for production. British subjects worked as local administrators, military leaders and officials in India during time of British imperialism there; they did not arrive in large numbers from the home country like settlers would for a colony, but worked in important overseer positions as the majority of the work was done by conquered Indian subjects. This importation of the British state system reverberated within Indian society – it held enough sway within Britain’s colonial rule of the region that fierce Indian nationalists would later try to work within in to gain their homeland’s freedom from British rule.

The gains made by the British during their occupation of India are important to consider in terms of European superiority over the globe. After the Sepoy Rebellion of 1857, the British began to mistrust the Indians on a base level and decided to remove the administration of the region from the British East India Company in order to place it under direct imperial authority. This led to India becoming the “jewel in the British crown” as India was modernized industrially, transferring the region’s method of business from a place of privatized exploitation to a huge, productive imperialistic colony. British administrators installed dams, allowing for irrigation that farmers used for Raj-approved cotton production and tea production in order to counter Chinese tea importation.

New British territories became sources of huge wealth, India specifically; British businessmen gained much from financing railroads in the East and raw materials made their way back to the Old World for production. The development of new products came at a rapid pace, allowing for a large increase in western imports and even further wealth for colonizer nations. India was forced to become consumer of British exports, such as textiles, due to lack of British protection of local Indian industry. This led to a British dependency and further importance placed on the British Raj, or ruling body in India, due to the large chunk of the British economy for which India accounted; as a result, Britain put a grand amount of effort into maintaining its control of India. The British managed to keep a monopoly on their colonial governments, preventing indigenous residents from reclaiming rights to industry and thus reaping the full benefits of their rule. The lack of non-British or local goods forced India to rely on Britain for its resources. New governmental systems came into use that promoted private industry and property while shelving the rights of the lower classes

To a point, this may have prompted residents from India to fill out the workforces in other parts of the British Empire as they searched for work, increasing levels of production across their territories. The British were thus a force of globalization – its goods were widespread across the world and workers from its colonies found themselves halfway across the globe, still working in the same system but at a different level. Indians were forced to work within the British system due to the power held over their head by their colonial masters due to superior technology and logistics.

The aforementioned examples of globalization in terms of trade supremacy and later colonial rule are examples of why major powers, usually Western in origin, are the world forces which “decide the rules”. Due to the West’s exploitation of the New World and eventually the East – the very pinnacle of the world the West once floundered in – the direction of wealth and, indeed, the origins of wealth switched to Europe and its colonies. India and China found themselves destitute as European industrialization and New World colonization removed the importance placed on goods from the East. Quality Indian textiles were no longer necessary: cheap, easily produced British alternatives were in higher demand than their Eastern counterparts. The same could be said about specific spices and herbs which, while still imported from the East, could be cultivated in European colonies in the New World as well as in British India[14]. At the same time, the East found itself reliant upon the West: through colonial strength, European forces such as the British, French and Dutch had subdued much of the East to garner its resources and strengthen its own markets by limiting what goods their new imperial subjects could obtain from the rest of the empire, let alone outside of the empire. Separate empires did not intermingle in colonial goods, or allow their possessions to interact with the other empires; the British, for example, would not have allowed their Indian subjects to appeal to the Dutch for better rates on food.
European control over the East damaged states greatly – China found itself in dire straits, drowning in New World silver and addicted to European-smuggled opium due to the value placed by Europeans upon Chinese tea. The scattered states of India were in imperial shackles as British forces occupied the entire subcontinent, forcing its subjects to work as glorified slaves in order to produce goods for the British Empire – subjects who were, at the same time, forced to import goods from other British dominions as a means of obtaining resources due to high foreign tariffs and suppressed local industry[15]. Through this sort of manipulation, European powers were able to gain complete control over the world. This did not register well with its inhabitants, however; as seen in the case of India, groups like the radical Swadeshi Samitis became popular due to their outcries against the unjust British system[16]. These organizations promoted local industry and, unlike their more tame National Congress counterparts who attempted to work within the system to free themselves, demanded immediate change due to the unfair practices of the British[17]. India, a land of splintered groups and many cultures, eventually found itself united after a century of harsh, exploitive imperialist control.
Globalization finds its roots in the practices of the European powers and their actions while participating in the Indian Ocean Trade as well as their eventual moves for colonial power over the East. The promises of globalization, according to Benjamin R. Barber’s “Jihad vs. McWorld”, are plentiful: an end to conflicts, economic prosperity and a global community are among its goals[18]. Freedom and peace are major driving forces behind globalization, not for any specific moralistic goal; rather, global cooperation and unity allows for a free, efficient market across the world that can be utilized by all participants – namely large global corporations[19]. This is comparable to a system such as the British Empire at their peak: an internally peaceful, well-ordered empire is supported by a stable, flourishing economy with proper production and consumption as conducted by trade companies. A notable flaw within the world of true globalization is that as long as the leader of a region or people ensures the openness of the market, they can act as brutally as they see fit. According to Barber, a leader who strikes against neighbors and closes up the markets has two black marks against them; Barber provides the example of Saddam Hussein, whose attacks on Kuwait and harsh civil rule made him a detriment to globalization[20]. A historical comparison can be made between Saddam Hussein and the Qianlong Emperor of China, who resisted British globalization as a result of the European smuggling of opium into Imperial Chinese territory. This caused the Emperor to close off Chinese markets and rouse the ire of European powers.
The orderly appearance of contemporary globalization stems from a strong historical basis as well as modern proof that a uniform system is the best type. Without an orderly, rigid system of globalization, the market cannot be as efficient as possible; snags in the process, such as a leader not opening up its markets or a region with a particularly strong cultural, ethnic or religious presence refusing to trade with outside sources, slow down globalization. “Jihad vs. McWorld” states that the four imperatives of globalization are those of the market, resources, information and ecological; working in unity, these four concepts ensure the survival of a globalized system[21]. The “market imperative” requires a transnational market that, while possibly endangering regional markets, caters to all regions by distributing appropriate resources under free trade and the efficient behavior of international financial entities such as banks and trade groups (as seen in the “resource imperative”). Globalized markets remain effective through as much use of “common” aspects as possible – a stark use of common languages, currency and behaviors (cosmopolitan in nature) promote an air of non-conflict and conformity in order for globalization to be so competent. In addition, a free flow of communication and information must exist, as businesses and commerce require these to expedite their work[22].
The alternate to globalization, according to Barber, would be tribalism, which the author refers to as “permanent rebellion against uniformity and integration”[23] – including, but not limited to, the forces of globalization. While globalization stresses the existence of a single (or as few as possible) operating global sphere of cooperation and economic activity, tribalism demands the breakdown of these spheres into as many parts as theoretically possible. Cultural identity is stressed over the concept of national identities, sect beliefs over basic religious practices and dissenting separatist factions over any basic ethnic group. Modern-day examples include French-Canadian Quebecois, Basques in Spain as well as Ossetians and Abkhazians in Georgia while historical examples include Portugal nominating itself as a separate group from the Spanish crowns of the Iberian Peninsula during the Reconquista and the unique Ibadi Omanis who broke free of Seljuk rule and established their own Imamate in 1053 to 1054. All aforementioned groups stressed their own cultural identity as reasons for breaking free of a system which did not properly encompass their existence. However, this leads to a severe prominence of parochialism and exclusion among those who adhere to tribalism. Conflict against outside (and inside) sources is constant within the system of tribalism as groups struggle for recognition and solidarity. India is a fantastic example of this – when the British pulled out of the subcontinent after World War II, the region collapsed in infighting between Hindus, Tamils, Sikhs and Muslims[24].
The perspectives provided in Barber’s “Jihad vs. McWorld” are extremely logical and can be seen as very accurate in most cases; this, however, does not spell a good fortune for democracy. Separating and classifying the actions of the entire world throughout history into two major categories seems extremely daunting; one may find it impossible to avoid the use of “good” and “bad” as headers on this list. Barber does manage to remain as non-biased and impartial toward either globalization (“McWorld”) or tribalism (“Jihad”), speaking on the positive and negative aspects of both systems as fairly as possible. A frightening aspect of Barber’s work is that one of the main driving factors of both tribalism and globalization is that democracy is essentially ignored in both systems, an idea made even more frightening upon the realization of the prominence of both systems in today’s world. Replacing democracy with adherence to global market entities or tribalist leaders is fairly intimidating as the driving force of the modern world has been democracy. Within globalization, democracy is pushed aside to ensure streamlined markets through the use of merit and technology; within tribalism, there is no need for democracy in the face of exclusionary tactics and striking out against strangers.
On the other hand, in some places democracy may not be a desired form of government and globalization may not be a desired way of life – they cannot be pushed upon residents[25]. An example can be seen in British India: the use of a trading company to act as the face of the British Empire in the region as well as the use of traditional British law and legal proceedings did not meet with much satisfaction from British Indian subjects. Barber speaks of Poland as a post-Soviet state possibly pledging allegiance to the Pope and, while joining the global sphere, adhering to its Catholicism; this not only endangers its role in globalization but also democracy[26]. Again, this is not to say that democracy and globalization are intertwined; globalization does not need democracy to exist, and vice versa.
An aspect of Barber’s work that may not be particularly accurate is his belief that, eventually, globalization will overrun tribalism. He believes that “material civilization” has not encountered an obstacle that it could not pass[27]. Berber does not mention how, within all globalized nations and regions, there are many movements for separatism or cultural activity ranging from lingual groups to religious groups with every possible identifier in between. As long as any one tribalist group exists, the system of globalization cannot be complete. This is not to say that a separatist cultural group in Akron, Ohio will collapse the entire system of globalization; however, with its existence, it prevents a globalized system from working at full efficiency. Groups like this cannot be stamped out through the popularization of globalization, which demands uniformity for efficiency, for they are too important an aspect of peoples’ lives to be abandoned. Take the British Empire: despite their strong attempts to turn Indians into “Brown Englishmen” through infusions of culture and religion, Indians still continued practicing their own cultures and belief systems[28]. If the British had been able to transform the Indians into “Brown Englishmen”, their Indian possessions would have worked at a fuller competency. Despite strong attempts, Indians demanded cultural identity; movements proposing the concept became popular and were eventually one of the major reasons as to why India gained its independence, removing itself from a system of globalization in favor of tribalism. As long as the unique qualities of groups of people are recognized, no matter the part of the world or the qualities themselves, globalization can be deferred from victory.

Bibliography

Barber, Benjamin R. "Jihad Vs. McWorld." The Atlantic Monthly Mar. 1992.

Lunde, Paul. “The Indian Ocean and Global Trade”, July-August 2005. http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/200504/default.htm (April 28 2008)

Tignor, Robert, Jeremy Adelman, Stephen Aron, Stephen Kotkin, Suzanne Marchand, Gyan Prakash and Michael Ts’in. Worlds Together, Worlds Apart: A History of the Modern World from the Mongol Empire to the Present. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002. The focus of goods began to shift away from the East and focus on Europe and the New World, between which luxuries and precious minerals were shipped as they had been in the Indian Ocean years earlier. Europe’s declining dependence on the East as a result of the abandonment of the Indian Ocean Trade was the first of Asia’s death knells in terms of global dominance.



[1] Paul Lunde, “The Indian Ocean and Global Trade: Monsoons, Munde and Gold,” Saudi Aramco World, July-August 2005, (February 10 2008)

[2] Lunde, “Monsoons, Munde and Gold”.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Lunde, “Ibn Battuta”.

[5] Paul Lunde, “The Indian Ocean and Global Trade: The Coming of the Portuguese”, Saudi Aramco World, < http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/200504/the.coming.of.the.portuguese.htm> (February 10 2008)

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Robert Tignor…et al, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart: A History of the Modern World from the Mongol Empire to the Present (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2002), 273.

[9] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 287.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 278.

[13] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 283.

[14] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 287.

[15] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 283.

[16] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 340-341.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Benjamin R. Barber. “Jihad vs. McWorld.” The Atlantic Monthly Mar. 1992, 5.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 1.

[22] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 3.

[23] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 4.

[24] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 6.

[25] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 7.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Barber, “Jihad vs. McWorld”, 6.

[28] Tignor, Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, 273.

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I hope you enjoyed it.

Sunday, May 11, 2008

Germans In Mexico: It's Been A While

Wow, it's been like a month since I've posted here. Oh well. School's juuust about over, so I might as well start posting the last of my assignments. Enjoy this one, it's about World War I. This is how I had to whittle it down over time in terms of subject matter.

February: Comparison of American press (New York Times) and British Press (London Times) on their opinion of the Germans before and during World War I.
March: Discussion of American press's pro-German nature prior to the outbreak of World War I and why it was as such.
April: Explanation of how American appeal toward Germany changed negatively as a result of Germany's actions abroad, the actions of the Kaiser's armies in war and international influence on the United States.
May (as in, two days before the paper was due and because I had 15 pages written on this already and didn't want to turn in 40+ pages): Argument in favor of idea that American appeal, as judged through examples in the American press, soured toward Germany and pushed the United States toward entry into World War I as a result of aggressive German actions in Latin America and the Caribbean.

I overdrew myself desperately in my History 200 class. It all turned out well, though.

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It is an indisputable fact that, while the largest aggressor of the Great War (or World War I), Germany did not bring about the reasons that the conflict occurred; however, Germany’s actions did escalate the situation into the now legendary struggle that was the Great War. On the level of public opinion – especially in neutral nations, initially including United States – the actions of Kaiser Wilhelm II in the Western Hemisphere before and during the war made a convincing argument for involvement of Americans in the Great War to protect the sanctity of American dominance. This essay will examine several key of examples of events that turned American public opinion against Germany before the United States intervened in the conflict. In the Western Hemisphere, Germany enacted a trade monopoly over South America, Central America and several Caribbean nations; the Kaiser’s motives seemed to work directly against the statements of the Monroe Doctrine in at least one case. In South American nations such as Brazil and Chile, European trade monopolies sprung up and, aided by the German government, merchants pledging their allegiances to Germany received government protection and assuredness of the safety of their assets. American fears arose when the Germans stood against the United States government on the subject of rebellious Haiti, demanding to keep control of the trade there. A similar situation occurred in Mexico with the rise of authoritarian Victoriano Huerta, supported by the Germans with supplies but opposed by Americans in war. The diminutive Virgin Islands, too, prove to be troublesome for German-American relations as the Great War pushes America to acquire a base in the Caribbean. These incidents and others will show that Germany’s questionable actions in South America, Central America, and the Caribbean contributed to a change in public opinion in the United States toward Germany, as seen in the American press, and pushed the country to intervene in the Great War.

Despite the fact that a great deal is known about German activity in the Western Hemisphere before and during the Great War, much attention is focused on the Atlantic and in Europe; however, the actions put forth by the German government in their dealings with powers in Latin America show ulterior motives. Moves made by Wilhelm II and his government in Latin America and the Caribbean purportedly challenged the Monroe Doctrine as well as American dominance of the region[1]. Before the Great War, America was very familiar with European colonialism and attempts at dominance in foreign lands. As a result, suspicion was levied by the American people against the Germans as their interests in Latin America increased[2]. Several pieces of information lend credibility to this suspicion, but not outright fear over recolonialization of Latin America by the Germans. Military officials such as Constant Cordier were stationed in Latin America and viewed certain acts of German business in the region as worthy of investigation. Captain Constant Cordier was an American military attaché to Peru in 1912 and noted officially much German participation in regional business, reporting that Germans sent many workers to Bolivia in what he saw as an effort to take over industry there.[3] Cordier was very distrustful of German activity in Latin America and viewed their protections of German merchants from local harm as well as general protection of all Latin American ventures as precursors to German annexation of the entire landmass[4]. According to the reports of Cordier and others, Germany had large influence in Peru (where Cordier was stationed), Colombia, Argentina, Bolivia and Ecuador. Germany also had strangleholds on trade in Brazil and Chile.

Despite the suspect practices of Germany as reported by Constant Cordier the situation with Germany in Latin America was different and less hostile than it had been in the early 1900’s. Early on in the spreading of German influence in Latin America at the turn of the century, Germany’s actions were considered with much more seriousness; Germany’s eventual acceptance of the Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt Corollary led to a cooling down of the situation[5]. This occurred despite the fact that a large amount of the German populace desired their state to have a larger impact in Latin America; however, the “ruling circles” of the central European state did not hold any real intentions of actually expanding their national influence to Latin America just before the outbreak of the Great War[6].

Germany was not alone in its attempts to make use of Latin America as grounds for lucrative financial gains. The markets of Latin America were bountiful for any industrialized nation which could fund market participation there; however, Germany had moved toward this goal much more quickly than other European powers, leading to an interesting statistic: a large portion of Latin America’s merchant class consisted of German merchants[7] . From 1903 to 1912, Americans made large economic ground in Latin America, especially in Bolivia, Brazil and Cuba, where it is worth noting that America had militarily intervened in Cuba repeatedly in the early 1900’s[8]. Future president William H. Taft was placed in a position to observe German efforts in Latin America and stated that despite gains in Argentina, the Dominican Republic and Paraguay, Germany would most likely not try to capitalize on their market monopolies in Latin America and make political moves. Taft saw that the reasoning for this was simple: Germans preferred to work outside of their own possessions because they made more money doing so and, thus, would not jeopardize their lucrative position in Latin America[9].

An example of American suspicion about German motives can be seen in the plight of August Dziuk. Dziuk was a German businessman who deigned to spend a good amount of currency in order to establish a sprawling railway system in Panama, assisting local industry with the aid of the local government as well as aiding other German-backed industries in the region. At the time, Panama was a region of severe interest by many powers, specifically the United States, due to its crucial trading and logistical position as the connection between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. The board of Dziuk’s representing company featured a cavalcade of higher-ups within German society including members of the German parliament as well as direct relatives of presiding state officials[10]. There was no solid evidence of the German government ever participating in Dziuk’s business in Panama, nor any real reasons for the United States to find a grand amount of suspicion with Dziuk’s actions. American statesmen such as Francis M. Hunt, the Undersecretary of State, saw a potential threat in that if Dziuk were to ever run afoul of the German government, his Panamanian possessions could be taken by the German state and put to use as federal territory[11]. With this in mind, Hunt approach the Panamanian government and convinced it to refuse Dziuk approval of his venture. This incident shows the extent of suspicion to which the American government adhered to toward the German government after their former exploits in Latin America.

The American press began to respond to the events occurring in Latin America by publishing more stories and editorials on the subject as well as transcribing state speeches that referenced occurrences in the Western Hemisphere. As seen in “The President’s Warning”, the American president’s words shamed the “unprincipled adventures” who may find it lucrative to interfere in Latin America by sowing the seeds of revolution and creating conspiracies that work against the American cause. The article specifically mentions Germany as a nation that may have the potential to take advantage of resource-rich backwater nations in Latin America[12]. While not the only reason as to why American sentiment began to turn away from Germany, Latin America did indeed have an impact. As written by Henry H. Chamberlin, the arrogance of the Kaiser had begun to get the better of his nation – Wilhelm II’s demands and motives were becoming unruly across the globe[13]. Chamberlin also echoed a statement made by many members of the press: even outside of war, Germany’s aggressive nature was making it no friends on the international stage.

Haiti was a staging point for Germany’s closest violation of the Monroe Doctrine before the Great War commenced. Haiti was a place of constant turmoil at the turn of the century and beyond. After multiple revolutions in an extremely short span of time, the United States occupied the island nation in 1915 and stayed there for nearly 20 years in order to quell unrest (while only creating even more; however, that is a different commentary for a different assignment). Before the American occupation of Haiti, Germany had a very notable amount of internal trade – possibly as much as 90% of it – in Haiti[14]. In addition, Germany had a literal monopoly on the water surrounding Hispaniola, the island that Haiti shares with the Dominican Republic. The Hamburg-Amerika Line, Germany’s largest shipping company for trans-Atlantic trade, controlled sea business around Haiti at the time[15]. Germany strengthened their economic position by openly funding Haitian revolutionary factions in bouts for sovereignty of the nation, as well[16]. If a faction the Germans supported came into power, they would be given kickbacks and access to national projects. On the other hand, the Germans could also lose access to markets and have their assets seized by a counterrevolutionary government. In the Haitian Revolution of 1907, German merchants backed the losing side of a guerrilla stand-off and had its Haitian possessions sized by the new government[17]. The binds Germany fell into by supporting revolutionary groups in Haiti can be seen in the interesting example of faction leader Theodore. The Germans had just suffered a major blow in the assassination of Cincinnatus Leconte, a German-backed Haitian warlord. In turn, Germany funded Theodore, a revolutionary leader who was soon assassinated by his associate Zamor, who quickly gained power over the state. Germany demanded compensation from Zamor, who had used Theodore’s German-supplied assets to gain his victory; Zamor refused to grant them anything, resulting in a total financial loss for the Germans[18]. Zamor had also been backed by the Americans, who attempted to take control of Haitian customs to not only preserve Zamor’s role as the nation’s new leader but also their own role in Haiti’s economy. In an awkward diplomatic move, the German government made a demand that America internationalize Haitian customs[19]. This event made American headlines due to the danger of Germany violating the Monroe Doctrine; “Germany Balks at Plan for American Control of Customs Revenue” and “Haitian Situation Acute” are just two of the many headlines on the subject posted by The New York Times, reflecting American opinion on the subject as negative toward German intervention. The Germans eventually backed down from their demand; however, for a time, the possibility of conflict over Germany’s demands was a reality.

A second and noteworthy act of German participation in the Caribbean would be the German states’ impact on Denmark’s holdings in the region. For quite some time, the Virgin Islands were an economic hole for the Danish government; various economic policies meant to improve the holdings were met with no reaction. In an effort to gain more territory, the United States was fairly relentless in its efforts to gain the Virgin Islands as a Caribbean base. The acquisition of the Virgin Islands during the Great War became an important issue with the United States due to the general fear that it would be sized by a belligerent nation such as Germany for use as a naval station. Germany may have actually put pressure on Denmark to prevent the sale of its government property to the United States for that very reason[20]. In 1902, Denmark attempted to negotiate a deal with the United States in which the Virgin Islands would have been passed on to American sovereignty; the Danish Parliament put down the deal by a very slim margin. The failure of this Danish-American Treaty of 1902 was blamed on outside German pressure upon members of the Danish parliament; almost in response to this blame, Germany began moving into the region in a fashion similar to their actions in Latin America[21]. This can be seen as yet another example of German interference in American dominance of the Western Hemisphere.

Perhaps the most notable example of German intervention in the Western Hemisphere can be seen in Central America at the time of the Mexican Revolution. The dictator of Mexico until 1915 was Porfirio Diaz, a harsh ruler in a region known for its rebellious tendencies. To strength the force of his military, Diaz hired on German military advisors and put them in charge of the modernization of the Mexican Army[22]. While not a direct participation in the Mexican government by the German government, the appearance of German military advisors at the side of a repressive dictator did not do much for German appeal in the southwestern United States. The outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, which lasted in slight spats into the 1920’s, brought the United States into Mexican affairs while the Germans acquiesced to remove themselves from movement against the Americans in the politics of the region for a time[23]. To a point, the two powers even worked together to further a mutual hope for stability in the area – for instance, German and American forces cooperated in the rescue of Francisco Madero, a Mexican intellectual who had predicted by Mexican Revolution as a result of Diaz’s terrible reign and had demanded armed revolution from his fellow countrymen[24]. As a result of his saving by American and German forces, Madero was able to fuel the revolution and eventually return to Mexico where he would be president before his eventual capture and execution.

Eventually, Germany and other European nations began to demand stability in tumultuous Mexico. The American government had been calling for the resignation of new Mexican leader Victoriano Huerta, known for his similarity to Diaz for repressing democracy; Germany, on the other hand, saw Huerta as an upholder of the law. While in no position to move against America on the subject of Huerta’s reign, Germany feared much unrest if America interfered in the Mexican Revolution: unrest that may destabilize German trade possessions and economic participation in Mexico[25]. This point was pushed even further when Mexican revolutionary and legendary historical figure Pancho Villa took several international dignitaries hostage at the Mexican city of Torreon. Villa freed the Americans quickly but held many of the European dignitaries, including those representing Germany. This outraged the German government and American papers began to publish rumors that the Germans were planning on sending a force to rescue their diplomats[26].

In April of 1914, another near-violation of the Monroe Doctrine was seen in the “Vera Cruz Incident”. A Hamburg-Amerika Line liner, Ypiranga, arrived in Mexican port city of Vera Cruz carrying arms for Huerta’s military. The situation in Mexico was similar to the situation in Haiti – the German government vowed support for revolutionary forces, supplying them with weapons and hoping that their victories would contribute to German economic activity in the region. When the Ypiranga entered the harbor, it was confronted by Utah, an American ship that had been keeping guard over the waters of Vera Cruz. The Americans had taken control of Vera Cruz recently and had made the order to investigate all naval vessels in the region. When the Americans discovered the cargo of the German ship and demanded that the Ypiranga turn over its weapons, the Germans reacted negatively; after all, this was a direct violation of international law in that the Americans were demanding the cargo of the German ship before their release[27]. Eventually, the German ship left the harbor with its cargo, against American wishes, and landed further north to deliver its cargo to Huerta’s forces. This was seen as a near-violation of the Monroe Doctrine as Germany influenced politics in the Western Hemisphere against American wishes.

An example of failed espionage that brought Germany’s participation in the Mexican Revolution to a forefront was the capture and charging of Franz Von Rintelen, a German spy charged with, among other things, the diversion of American attention to Mexico instead of the Great War. As stated scathingly in the New York Times on December 8th, 1915, a plot conducted by high-ranking German official Franz von Rintelen was discovered by American investigators and Mexican-Carranzista officials[28]. According to the interrogated contacts of Rintelen, a major goal assigned to him by the German government was the sparking of a Second Mexican Revolution in order to prevent the United States from turning its military attention to the situation in Europe. In order to accomplish this, Rintelen hoped to follow what seemed to be a German tradition of funding new revolutionary groups in hopes of destabilizing Mexico, which was under heavy American influence at the time, and bringing about a Second Mexican Revolution. Rintelen was introduced to revolutionary figures and pledged support for Huerta, the former authoritarian coup-backed president of Mexico. Huerta had been forced to step down from the presidency after a series of losses against other rebels in southern Mexico and, since that point, had hoped to strike out against the Carranzista-run Mexican government[29]. Rintelen’s funding for the purpose of driving up a Second Mexican Revolution was essentially limitless; reports in the New York Time state that he had upwards of $30,000,000 to spend on the Mexican situation alone, not to mention other acts of subterfuge in the Western Hemisphere for which he had more funding. In terms of general inflation, Rintelen’s funding in the modern day would be $613,992,747.44 – a number that, when put into a modern perspective, shows the importance of Rintelen’s assignments. As a first move, Rintelen purchased approximately 10,000 rifles that, at the outbreak of the investigation, were initially thought to have been intended for use in Europe. Further investigation displaying communications between Rintelen and Huerta show that the weapons were intended for use in Mexico[30]

The German government disavowed any knowledge of Franz von Rintelen’s actions as a spy by way of Count von Bernstorff, the German ambassador to America. A statement made repeatedly by Bernstorff claimed that Rintelen was not in the United States under orders of the German government but was acting on “private interests” – a statement now known to be false
[31]. After this, the New York Times began to openly criticize Bernstorff’s position as German ambassador to America.

As shown in the many examples of Latin America and the Western Hemisphere in general as well as the American press response, the actions of the Germans did nothing but alienate its position in terms of the opinion of the citizens and government of the United States.
Germany’s interference in US business ranging from aggressive business in South America to participation in the Mexican Revolution have been actions that directly opposed to the United States and, at times, direct violations of the Monroe Doctrine. In the months after the capture of Rintelen, American relations with Germany would sour even further with events such as the continued use of chlorine gas by German forces (as well as Allied forces) and the sinking of the HMS Lusitania as a result of Germany’s unrestricted submarine warfare. Combined with the British monopoly upon American press and European news, America’s entry into the Great War seemed to be inevitable.





Bibliography
Primary Sources

“Berlin Disavows Rintelen’s Plot In Official Order to Bernstorff…” The New York Times (Dec 13, 1915): 1. ProQuest 04 May 2008. Keyword: “Germany”, “Mexican Revolution”.

“The Presidents Warning.” The New York Times (Mar. 13, 1913): 10. ProQuest 04 May 2008. Keyword: “Latin America”, “anti-German”.

“Uncover German Plot To Embroil US With Mexico.” The New York Times (Dec. 8, 1915): 1. 04 May 2008. Keyword: “von Rintelen”, “Mexico”.

Chamberlin, Henry H. “Anti-German Sentiment: Two Reasons Why the Kaiser is to Blame for the War.” The New York Times (Aug. 16, 1914): 14. ProQuest 04 May 2008. Keyword: “American opinion”, “anti-German”.

Secondary Sources

Small, Melvin. “The United States and the German “Threat” to the Hemisphere, 1905-1914.” The Americas 28.3 (1972): 252-270. JSTOR. 23 Apr. 2008. Keyword: “anti-German”, “great war”.



[1] Melvin Small. “The United States and the German “Threat” to the Hemisphere, 1905-1914.” The Americas 28.3 (1972), 252.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 253.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere, 254.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 267.

[11] Ibid.

[12] “The President’s Warning.” The New York Times (Mar. 13, 1913), 1.

[13] “Anti-German Setiment: Two Reasons Why the Kaiser is to Blame for the War.” The New York Times (Aug. 16, 1914), 14.

[14] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 257.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 258.

[18] Small, “German “Threat” to the “Hemisphere”, 259.

[19] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 260.

[20] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 261.

[21] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 263.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 263.

[25] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 254.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Small, “German “Threat” to the Hemisphere”, 265.

[28] “Uncover German Plot To Embroil US With Mexico.” The New York Times (Dec. 8th, 1915), 1.

[29] Ibid.

[30] “Berlin Disavows Rintelen’s Plots In Official Order to Bernstorff…” The New Yo k Times (Dec. 13th, 1915): 1.

[31] Ibid.