Afro-Caribbean Religion In America: Immigrant Beliefs In An Immigrant's Nation (Pt. 2)

Here's the second part of that essay. I hope you enjoy it.

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AFRO-CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS IN AMERICA: IMMIGRANT BELIEFS IN AN IMMIGRANT'S NATION (PT. 2)

The Haitian Revolution was one of the major pushes for Vodou’s entry into the United States and is thus an important historical event to observe in terms of Afro-Caribbean religious immigration. August 14^th, 1791 is an important date in Vodou history: on it, Vodou “houngan” (priest) Dutty Boukman presided over a service with strong political overtones, urging the slaves and free blacks of Haiti to revolt[1]. In addition, a possessed woman at the ceremony named the eventual leaders of the Revolution while under the control of the Vodou figure “Ogoun” – an ancient war deity. Word of this event spread quickly among the slaves of Saint-Domingue; the Haitian Revolution began seven days after Boukman’s proclamation.[2] Once organized, the revolt was carried out under the leadership of Toussaint L’Ouverture, Henri Christophe and Jacques Dessalines – the men named by the woman at Dutty’s ceremony. The Revolution was the first large scale slave revolt in the Western Hemisphere to succeed, establishing a black-run state mostly free of European influence – Catholicism included. This allowed for a prospering and spreading of the Vodou faith across the island of Hispaniola, including into the Dominican capital of Santo Domingo (which traded hands multiple times during the course of the Haitian Revolution, eventually returning back to the Spanish crown). Although never officially sanctioned, Vodou became the most adhered-to religious practice in Haiti.[3] It is a probable concept that the black residents of Saint-Domingue may not have risen up against their colonial masters if it had not been for the unifying practice of Vodou.

The Haitian Revolution displaced many former residents into Louisiana and Florida, many of whom carried with them their Afro-Caribbean beliefs. After seeing the effect that the practice had upon the state of Saint-Domingue, American law enforcement hoped to prevent a similar situation with new immigrants by cracking down on the practice of Vodou[4]. Drum ceremonies were banned and large gatherings of black people (free or enslaved) were looked upon with suspicion from whites until the meetings, too, were banned. Many Americans found an intense displeasure with Vodou animal sacrifice, stating that it was a savage practice; however, in Haiti, “animal sacrifice” was conducted as part of a social event in which the food created from the sacrifice would be eaten by the community[5]. This practice continues within American Vodou communities despite public shock and opposition.

Several decades after the Haitian Revolution, French scholar Hypolite Rivail began work under the pseudonym of “Allen Kardec”; his works would eventually become known as “Spiritism”. Spiritism was a system of belief that incorporated many religious practices including adherence to spiritual communication as well as familiar Eastern concepts such as “karma”. These writings would have a major impact on two drastically different groups: well-to-do white Americans and Afro-Caribbean immigrants. Spiritism found itself popular with whites in the mid-nineteenth century due to a general societal interest in exotic, foreign imports; Vodou followers were empowered by Spiritism as it closely followed their own beliefs[6]. Both stressed the importance of spiritual communication, respect for the deceased and the necessity of esoteric spiritual gatherings. The incorporation of Spiritist beliefs eventually led to “Hoodoo” and its offshoot “New Orleans Voodoo” which combined the beliefs of Vodou with general American folk beliefs and Spiritism. Santeria, too, was impacted by Spiritism in the Caribbean.

Despite its similarity to Vodou, the rise of Spiritism would not prevent former Haitians from facing major difficulties as a result of their beliefs. American authorities continued to prevent a prospering of Vodou, which it viewed as rebellious and primitive. The United States Marines entered Haiti in 1915 due to general instability, taking control of the nation’s major cities and putting a major damper on the practice of Vodou there. Working as civil aid in conjunction with the United States, the Catholic Church conducted “antisuperstition campaigns”, destroyed places of worship and Vodou relics in an effort to do away with the syncretic belief[7]. This sent a notable message to the Haitian followers of Vodou in the United States, who were forced to practice their beliefs in secrecy in order to avoid persecution[8]. The many Haitians who left their island nation for the United States in mid-80’s due to unrest were seen and referred to by Americans as economically collapsed, AIDS-carrying magic-believers due to previous stereotyped views of Haitian immigrants[9].

Santeria’s development and treatment in the United States is a notably different experience than that of Vodou. The many slaves of the Spanish colony on Cuba were specifically of Yoruba descent, unlike the practitioners of Vodou who came from many locations on Africa’s western coast. The Spanish masters of Cuba believed it to be a monetary decision to simply replace slaves in Cuba as opposed to breed them as was done in the United States; this led to a strong foundation for Santeria, as the African influence was present next to the constant Catholic authority[10]. The Spanish imported slaves in staggering numbers due to the extremely profitable business of sugar cultivation and production based around the capital of Havana, allowing for many slaves of similar backgrounds to interact. Social clubs sanctioned by the Catholic Church were organized by African slaves and referred to as “cabildos” – this allowed for the prospering of a syncretic faith, in this case Santeria[11]. At this time in Santeria’s development, Cuba had much more of a white European presence and was not as racially polarized as Haiti. White Cubans were accepted into and adhered to the predominantly-African “La Regla de Ocha”, which was the largest cabildo in Havana[12]. Its members referred to themselves as “Lucumi” – a Yoruba slang term for “friend”[13]. The cabildos began to gain influence and were eventually feared by the Spanish crown as source of insurrection; this proved to be a likely assessment when clashes began in Cuba over independence with the cabildos acting as forums for dissent. The Catholic Church joined the Spanish crown and, eventually, the common people of Cuba were left without much help from their government or their religion. More white Cubans began to turn to Santeria due to their discontentment with Cuban society and Catholic religion[14]. Ongoing displeasure with Cuban politics and religion led to a number of practitioners of Santeria to escape the cities for the mountainous eastern region of Cuba, forming maroon communities which incorporated beliefs from many fleeing slaves on the island.

Becoming suspicious of the majority of slaves on Cuba, Spanish landowners made profits by exporting Santeria-practicing slaves to the United States. Santeria entered the United States in the nineteenth century at places of notable Afro-Cuban slave populations; such locations include as New York, New Orleans and Florida. American plantations required fewer slaves than the massive ongoing projects in the Caribbean, thus disallowing for a large spread of Santeria as had occurred on Cuba[15]. Afro-Cubans immigrated to South Florida in the 1800’s to work in regional factories; public records exist of their “Satanic” ceremonies. In Cuba, music had served as a major aspect of the practice of Santeria; in America, it acted as a signal flare within Caribbean communities that Santeria was present. It was brought to New York City in 1930’s; many popular Cuban musicians based out of New York at that time were practitioners of Santeria, such as Latin jazz figures Mario Bauza, Chano Pozo and Francisco “Machito” Grillo[16]. The 1959 Cuban Revolution initially pleased many Cuban Santeria practitioners by closing down vices such as prostitution and gambling, which led to the Revolution garnering much support from many Santeria communities. The Revolution then took a more liberal move – relationships were established with the anti-religious Soviet Union, and the reduction of church influence through reform in education and land worried many followers of Santeria[17]. This prompted many “Lucumi” – over 400,000 in total - to leave the country, mostly for the American city of Miami.

The mass arrival of Cuban immigrants to America – a new country with different practices and ideals than what they considered traditional – led to the formation of Cuban collectives as means of social survival. As had been experienced with Haitians, a language barrier existed between the immigrants and the already settled Americans; this dissuaded Cubans from joining Catholic congregations in New York and New Jersey, where they were discriminated against on ethnic basis by Irish and Italian congregations[18]. Although a 1910 American ban on African gatherings existed, purportedly out of fear of the insurrectionist tendencies of the Spanish cabildos, Cubans began to turn to Santeria out of survival. Many Cubans turned to Protestant Pentecostal communities due to the familiar practices such as “filling with the Spirit” and speaking in tongues which are comparable to Afro-Caribbean spiritual possession; other immigrants formed communities directly based on their Afro-Caribbean beliefs. Instead of practicing Santeria straightforwardly like followers of Vodou had done, they emphasized the Christian and Spiritist aspects of their religion while leaving less emphasis on African traditions[19]. This did not stop repression from forces of authority as well as popular opinion. In New York, practitioners of Santeria were constantly targeted for raids pertaining to animal abuse and charged with littering for offerings left in public places. Miami politicians criticized Santeria heavily and even went as far as to establish a mostly symbolic “Voodoo Squad” of janitors tasked with cleaning up remnants of Afro-Caribbean ceremonies, including dead animals[20].The earliest modern newspaper articles pertaining to Santeria were in New York Times in 1980, reporting a “Ritual Slaughter Halted in Bronx by a Police Raid” as well as “Police Seize Animals Prepared for Sacrifice by Cult in the Bronx”[21]. – The Florida Humane Society, as well as local churches, described Santeria as barbaric and a boil upon the Floridian community when asked to express an opinion on the subject[22].

Despite the suspicion surrounding it and its followers, Santeria proved to be remarkably adaptive to the United States’ social climate. Santeria began to be “Americanized”, resulting in redefinition of the faith due to impact of Eurocentric ideas and adaption to American statutes and ideals[23]. Over time, the beliefs became less specific with Cuba and the Spanish language became more disused for ceremonies[24]. A traditional practice for those hoping to be ordained into Santeria as a “babalowa” (priest) was that they would have to return to Cuba to do so; this restriction was also lifted and the process could be completed in the national confines of the United States. In addition, the general role of the babalowas was reduced as regular worshipers began to take central roles in ceremonies. Formerly central practices are changing: animal sacrifices were replaced or generally avoided, drumming ceremonies were toned down to not disrupt neighboring communities[25]. Santeria is still changing today, dropping its most archaic beliefs and gaining new ones as followers bring new views to the system and pressures are removed and applied.

The tribulations of Vodou and Santeria practitioners were shockingly unfair in many ways, from their original enslavement and attempts at forcefully converting them to their eventual persecution in the United States for representing the African religious fringe. The story of Afro-Caribbean religions is a very interesting journey – the slaves’ ability to combine their own religions with the beliefs forced upon them unfairly was an ingenious and natural adaptation to the situation. The repression of their beliefs in the United States can only be seen as a shameful practice, sensationalized by the media and politicians in order to gain attention at the cost of the safety and preservation of a peoples’ faith. This practice still continues today - despite Santeria’s respectable growth - as practitioners in the United States are still forced to act outside the public eye to avoid harassment and unjust shame. To reverse this, much effort must be expended in order to educate people on the unique and deeply interesting beliefs of Santeria and Vodou. It should come as natural to America, a nation known for its immigration, to come to know these belief systems, which are immigrant in origin. When this occurs it will be the first step in a long, tenuous path to acceptance for the repeatedly oppressed followers of Vodou and Santeria.

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[1] Bob Corbett, the Haitian Revolution of 1791-1803.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Long, 19.

[4] Long, 30.

[5] Long, 32.

[6] Long, 29.

[7] Long, 20.

[8] Long, 30.

[9] Long, 30.

[10] De La Torre, 165.

[11] Long, 24-25.

[12] Long, 25.

[13] Long, 24.

[14] De La Torre, 171.

[15] De La Torre, 166.

[16] Long, 31.

[17] De La Torre, 177.

[18] De La Torre, 177.

[19] De La Torre, 178.

[20] Long, 33.

[21] De La Torre, 209.

[22] De La Torre, 211.

[23] De La Torre, 206.

[24] Ibid.

[25] De La Torre, 223.

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That's all. I sincerely hope my professor enjoys it and doesn't think it goes too crazy on the anthropology bent - the historical aspect of it really is the most interesting part. Ah well. It's just a draft anyway, and I'm sure she'll think it's interesting.

More stuff later.

Afro-Caribbean Religion In America: Immigrant Beliefs In An Immigrant's Nation (Part 1)

This is the first part of a paper I'm currently working on for my American Immigration (HIS) course at Rhode Island College. My original first draft saved awkwardly on a school computer today, rendering it incompatible with my system - forcing me to restart the entire paper, which was going to finish out at approximately ten pages. Eh. It's alright. I've rewritten a good portion of it and now I'm taking a break, so I figured I'd post it here while continuing to finish it.

I'll follow it up with Part 2 within the next day or two. Until then, enjoy.

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As an introduction to this essay, some clarification is required for the uninformed. The terms “Santeria” and “Vodou” refer to similar but culturally different forms of religion that both stem from the comparable bases of regionally-similar African belief systems with Catholic folk influence. The names of the belief systems (that is, “Santeria” and “Vodou”) are not to be used interchangeably because they are distinctly different entities, a point which the writer will strive to display throughout the work. Both possess similar deities – be they “loa”, “vodu” or “orisha” - with distinctly human characteristics such as favorite foods and personalities; both forms of belief also stress constant appeasement of deities as well as honored ancestors. Spiritual possession is an honored event at many major celebrations in both “Santeria” and “Vodou” and animal sacrifice is indeed committed – painlessly and, for the most part, not wastefully. In addition, both belief systems are major aspects of Caribbean immigrant culture: they are not only religions but also function as parts of immigrant life as they provide means to communicate with likeminded individuals and establish links within a community.

The reader should try to familiarize themselves with the terms as well as the practices of the paper’s subject matter. “Santeria” is a belief system that draws on the same African traditions as other Afro-Caribbean religions but can find its origins closer to Cuba and other notable Spanish colonies. “Vodou” is often used as an umbrella term for Afro-Caribbean religions but can be applied specifically to denominations originating specifically Haiti and other French colonies; it is also spelled as “Voodoo”. This is not to be confused with “Hoodoo”, which is the traditional form of African-American folk practices as adapted from Vodou beliefs and ceremonies for use in the United States. “New Orleans Voodoo” is a variant of basic “Hoodoo” and is the most popularized of Afro-Caribbean traditions in the media, giving birth to myths such as the “cursed voodoo doll”. Hoodoo is similar in practice to the Trinidad-based beliefs of “Obeah” in that both are syncretist combinations of Christianity and African beliefs focusing around practical use of folk magic. Finally, and although mentioned only briefly, it is worth knowing that “Condomble” is an Afro-Brazilian religion that derives from Christianity and African beliefs and is comparable to Vodou or Santeria.

A final suggestion to the reader would be an advisement toward avoiding judgment of the belief systems before reading this work. Sensationalization and essentially racist fictionalization of Afro-Caribbean religions, especially through the medium of American movies and television, has pushed a large amount of the beliefs’ American practitioners into hiding. In order to get as much as possible out of this paper, the reader is advised to put themselves in the place of an impartial observer: take this information as it comes to you and treat the information in front of you as the first you have heard on the subject. Due to the dubious nature of provided information on Afro-Caribbean religions, there is a realistic chance that this will be the first time some light is shed on the subject for you.

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AFRO-CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS IN AMERICA: IMMIGRANT BELIEFS IN AN IMMIGRANT'S NATION (PT. 1)

One of the cornerstones of the United States lies in the nation’s ideal of religious freedom – a concept that has not always stood strong once applied to reality. A concept derived during the ancient times of Antiquity, freedom of religious worship was touted by historical giants such Cyrus the Great, famous for extending his Persian Empire from the Bosporus to modern-day India – where another major figure, the Buddhist convert-emperor Asoka, ruled the Mauryan Empire which encompassed the grand amount of the Indian subcontinent. During the time of the Crusades, the Kingdom of Sicily was known for its tolerance toward Islam at the height of their persecution of Europe; hundreds of miles away, the Kurdish-Ayyubid military leader Saladin incorporated agents of all religions into his Middle East-encompassing government. Many examples of religious freedom throughout time exist – however, the list of religious bigotries rings louder as savage violences and penalties are levied against those who work against the religious mainstream. The persecution of Afro-Caribbean syncretic religious practitioners is one of the lesser-known and, sadly, most publicly adhered-to examples of anti-religious repression in modern time.

Afro-Caribbean syncretic belief systems are literal “immigrant religions”: Santeria and Vodou would not have come about without the forced immigration of Africans to the New World and their introduction to Catholic Christianity. The American reaction to the immigration of Santeria and Vodou practitioners – most of who were not of common American stock, being either Creole or free black – is in historical tune with the general reaction of the United States to new groups: ethnically-charged suspicion backed by willful cultural ignorance. However, the reaction to Afro-Caribbean practitioners is very poignant in that even the most prestigious figures and news publications, including the New York Times, proclaimed that the religious views of Vodou and Santeria practitioners were barbaric and primitive, fueled by blood sacrifices and Satan worshiping[1]. A worthy lesson for the citizens of the United States to learn would be the histories of these unique religious followers, for their beliefs are quite literally an immigration religion: a concept upon which the United States, a nation of immigrants, must look through heavy sensationalism to glimpse.

The origins of Santeria and Vodou, the two largest Afro-Caribbean belief systems with a major presence in the United States, are twofold: while many beliefs lie within the native practices of the African slaves imported to Caribbean colonies, Santeria and Vodou would not be what they are without missionary-taught Catholicism. Many slaves brought to the New World’s colonies; three major ethnic groups brought to the Catholic colonies of the French and Spanish were the Fon people of Dahomey in West Africa, the Yoruba people of Nigeria and the BaKongo of the modern-day Democratic Republic of the Congo. Large amount of slaves from West Africa made their way to Caribbean colonies as a result of the Egba/Owu Civil War as well as the military victories of Fulani Muslims who captured and enslaved the “Pagan” Africans. These groups and their belief systems would have the most major impact upon the syncretic practices which would eventually become Vodou (impacted equally by all three groups) and Santeria (impacted mostly by the Yoruba)[2]. A notable similarity between the three peoples’ belief systems, as well as many other systems of religion across Africa, is the belief in a supreme being supported by holy agents, known as “vodu”, “orisha” or “loa”. Another similarity between indigenous beliefs and folk Christianity was the use of “charms” in both belief systems. Soaps, beverages, jewelry and other miscellaneous objects were utilized by practitioners of African religions in order to act as “holy conduits”, channeling tribal deities and ancestral spirits to protect or preserve its possessor. Folk Christianity had become popular with Europeans at this point in history; major aspects included a belief of saints as almost minor deities as well an emphasis put on “charms” and spirits. ”. Artifacts such as saints’ bones, shards of the True Cross or martyr’s blood were believed to cure disease or provide safety from evil. African charms even had an impact on folk Christian practices: Kongo symbols can be seen in folk Christian charms from former European colonies and the utilized ingredients of folk Christian charms began to resemble traditional African charms upon the importation of slaves[3].

Another quality that lends ease to the process of syncretism was that Africans were well-versed in the incorporation of new deities and figures into their belief systems: victors in African tribal conflicts had their own deities that were incorporated into the pantheons of conquered peoples[4]. Catholicism also functioned as a shield of cover, so to speak, for the slaves; under the guise of Catholicism and their comparisons between the saints and their African deities, the slaves were able to continue the practice of their religions, albeit with new qualities. “Holy cards” were used to teach slaves about saints through the use of holy figures’ appearances and characteristics; this allowed slaves to make connections with own deities. In Yoruba mythology, Dambala was not similar with St. Patrick outside of an association with snakes. Shango is the Santeria orisha of manly characteristics and thunder but was linked to St. Barbara due to both figures’ association with lightning. Babalu Aye was the orisha of health and disease, leading slaves to compare him to St. Lazarus due to his condition of leprosy[5]. This historical conjuncture of interesting qualities on both sides, African slaves and Catholic masters, made it possible for the creation of Afro-Caribbean syncretic religions[6].

It should be noted that folk Christianity was primarily a Catholic practice in the New World and that Protestant Christians such as the British did not allow for much religious syncretism to occur in their colonies. One reason for this was that the Protestant Reformation heavily criticized the use of relics and “charms”; in Protestant eyes, they were a way of achieving what could only be accomplished through lengthy service to God[7]. Instead of using the indigenous beliefs of the Africans as a means of speedily converting slaves to Christianity, the Protestants labeled the African religions as blatant Satanism. Slave masters saw African cultural or religious activities to be primitive, outlawing music and prayer outside of strict Protestant religious activity. Protestantism eventually replaced the majority of the religious beliefs of Protestant-owned Africans as the slaves were forced to acculturate themselves into the society (and religion) of their masters[8].

(TBC)

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[1] Miguel A. De La Torre, Santeria: the Beliefs and Rituals of a Growing Religion in America (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Company, 2004), 209.

[2] Carolyn M. Long, Spiritual Merchants: Religion, Magic and Commerce (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2001), 4.

[3] Long, 15.

[4] Long, 14.

[5] Long 18.

[6] Long, 5.

[7] Long, 12.

[8] De La Torre, 166.

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Hope you enjoyed that. If not - well - don't read the second part when it goes up.

I've spent months researching this topic and although this paper doesn't do justice for the amount of time I spent on research, I enjoyed the process and got to know some very interesting people. I'll get back to work on the second part in order to either edit this entry or just slap another post onto the blog sometime soon.

Until then, enjoy yourself.

It's The Latest It's Ever Been

Yet I'm still up. I thought I had a big rough draft of a final paper due Wednesday - turns out I didn't. So I don't need to sleep properly.

Here's a piece I actually did for the same professor who assigned that big rough draft and then cleverly changed the due date when I didn't go to class. They're always thinkin'.

The piece is about Rhode Island College's newspaper, The Anchor. It is widely regarded as birdcage-liner; this is unfortunate, as I do not hate the publication. I will agree that it's in desperate need of some excitement. Anyway.

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Upon entering the eerily sterile yet surprisingly homely Special Collections Department of the James P. Adams Library on the Rhode Island College campus, it began to sink in that I was terribly ill-prepared for the Life and Times of a RIC Student Research Project. I was very scatterbrained on the subject; who wouldn’t be, considering the paper could be based on any subject concerning the life of a RIC student for the last hundred and thirty years? With the assistance of staff, I obtained several issues of the college’s Anchor editorial newspaper from decades past and began to skim the pages in an effort to discover anything I could possibly write about for the report. As I read over the articles and opinion pieces of an issue of the Anchor from April 13^th, 1960, which contained a report on chapel attendance, my bafflement turned to a sudden curiosity; this particular issue of the Anchor was drastically different than the ones I had perused while on the modern-day campus. I read another issue, the second from October 1^st, 1963; again, it was very different from the modern day issue, but it was also notably different from the one only three years beforehand. A third issue, from 1966 and featuring a local politician on its cover, made me think: when compared, how different could the Anchor be in subject matter and format over the course of just six years? Three specific issues would be analyzed deeper than other issues in order to display the differences between the time periods, as well as newspaper format and life on campus.
The first issue viewed was The Anchor from Wednesday, April 13^th, 1960. In comparison, the modern Anchor is a much more professional release when contrasted to the older, casual issue from 1960. The language used is very “warm and fuzzy”; most of the articles in the older issues seemed to end with a pointedly humorous (and often very aged) quote. An example of this would be an article detailing an accidental fire alarm at the school’s gymnasium, where scantily-clad female students escaped the glances of firefighters by running outside; the story ends with the line “if the firemen knew what was awaiting them, I’m sure they would have made better time!” Much of the newspaper, like this passage, is written in an almost conversational tone instead of like a traditional newspaper. This is very different in comparison to the modern Anchor, which emulates professional newspapers in its businesslike fashion.
The most notable aspect of the first page would be that it featured what was a weekly statistic on chapel attendance for all of the students at the school; within the group of statistics was a statement suggesting that fewer students use it as a study period and more should respect the event. This was particularly interesting because it seemed like chapel was a required (or at least requested) exercise at the college; upon further investigation, it was discovered that chapel was indeed mandatory for students until it was discontinued in 1962. The concept of required non-secular activity at a place considered now to be rather disconnected from any religion shows the large amount of change that the college has experienced.
One major point of interest within this issue of The Anchor was that of the student government. On the front page of the newspaper was a small image displaying the college’s cafeteria, complete with the rooms’ tables covered in litter. Under the picture is a caption reading “if everyone lit just one little candle, what a bright world this would be; if everyone dispensed just one paper cup, what a clean cafeteria this would be!” Upon further investigation, the image and statement were issued by the student government in their continued attempts to reinforce one of their major points: cleanliness within the school. An article written within the issue commented on the essential unity between the student council and administration in enforcing the cafeteria rules, which included no smoking indoors as well as no books being allowed on tables in order to conserve space. It is very interesting to note the amazing amount of change that the student government has undergone at RIC (then known as ‘RICE’); instead of the major controversies now experienced by the committee of people employed on the modern student government, the biggest part of the student government of 1960 was school pride through upkeep of the grounds.
The rest of the issue had smaller yet interesting stories throughout. A story nearby described how many fraternity brothers from different places of education would be meeting at Rhode Island College for a series of seminars on the future of education in the United States. On the next page, the president of one of these very groups of people wrote into the Anchor to eloquently state his dissatisfaction with how the newspaper gathered its facts, citing the Anchor as mismanaged and inaccurate. This goes against the traditional view of a fraternity because it displays the members as upright and vested in their work as opposed to overly social and, in some cases, nearly crude. Yet another article went over the agenda of a group of students as well as their Physical Education advisor, all of whom were taking a trip to Bermuda; this is an interesting display of faculty-student relations at the time because it shows genuine social interaction between teacher and subject. A final story to be commented on was a lecture given by Dr. John Hope Franklin, who spoke on the subject of how educated men are shying away from visiting the “Barbaric South” due to its ongoing race-related “Negro problem”. For the subject to be addressed in such a blunt fashion was surprising since the professor speaking on the subject was African-American and was unabashedly commenting on the subject of the possibly violent persecution of his own race just over a few hundred miles away; it is also notable to mention that this is just as the civil rights movement was picking up steam.
The next Anchor viewed was from Tuesday, October 1^st, 1963. One major article detailed the forming of a faculty government in the ‘RIC Council’, at which major events concerning the staff of the college were decided. An interesting note would be that the meetings of the event could be attended by any staff members not on the council, unless that particular staff member was restricted from entering the meeting by a 3/5 vote. This is an interesting display of a possible straining of relations between staff members at RIC, or a sort of elitism within groups that populated the staff. Later in this issue, the idea of freshman adjustment was addressed, with the concept being that the student index (that is, the lowest grade a student could receive and still solidly attend school) for the second semester of their career was being changed to 1.35 instead of 1.75 due to adjustment problems in the grades of incoming freshman. It was criticized heavily by upperclassmen, their logic being that it would lower the standard of college. The general theme of segregation between groups of staff members as well as students seemed to be much more notable in the 1963 issue than in the 1960 issue.
A notable problem being addressed by the Anchor at this time was, shockingly, the ongoing parking problem plaguing the campus. According to an article, it had “reached a peak”; on the other hand, the college’s acting vice president Dr. Donovan claimed that there was ample space for parking. Maintenance of the campus was also criticized on a large level and an article on the subject made many suggestions, including fixes for the dining hall (which needs to be cleaned thoroughly and must employee people who can be analyzed and reviewed regularly to uphold a proper school image), reinforcing the school’s nuclear fall-out shelter (which protected from radiation and fall-out but definitely not from any sort of blast) and general improvements about the men’s hostel, which was used to house visiting athletic teams. According to articles written in this issue, campus life in 1963 was a problem due to a lack of financial dispersion among things that needed fixing or at least minor support. On that note, the popularization of financial aid for students was mentioned on one of the latter pages of the issue and it came highly recommended by the staff and school. Issues up to this time seemed not to mention much about financial aid or government support of students so this was a notable change of pace.
The final issue to be observed would be The Anchor from Wednesday, March 30^th of 1966. An article on the from page detailed the large event of the Christian Association Conference’s creation by Catholic, Orthodox and Protestant members of the student body; its first meeting would be followed by an all-night party and, afterward, a day of religious discussion. This is yet another display of the RIC college life intermixed with non-secular activity and is very interesting due to what seems like a total disconnection to the modern link between the two subjects.
The conflict in Vietnam is never addressed in terms of any opinion piece, but many references are made to it. A small article details how several graduations of Rhode Island College have been awarded Bronze Stars to commemorate their actions during the conflict, and a notice about the Selective Service College Qualifying Test was posted on one of the paper’s latter pages. It detailed the process by which students would have to register for the test, including marking down their fingerprints, and explained that students assumed to be under good standings with RIC in terms of grades would be allowed to finish off the year. The next year would be more of a challenge, however, because students not “up to shape” academically would not be able to register for the 66-67 school year and would default to joining the United States Armed Forces. This can be seen now as a frightening and competitive concept because it rather openly states that students who are not doing well will be sent to war unless they shape up and, even then, they may still not be able to avoid conscriptment.
Further competition between RIC students can be noted in a letter to the editor by Charlene Hall, the Chairman of the Publicity Committee, who spoke out against a dissenting vandal who destroyed a public display on the subject of “students of the month”. The display was created by students on the committee in order to honor the achievements of students who had performed exceptionally well during their time at the school and was only on display for less than two hours before a male (assumedly) destroyed the display and left the remains in the men’s lounge. This is a continuation of what is an increase in student rivalries that has seemed to ramp up from the 1960 issue and onward.
The 1966 issue of The Anchor also shows the first politically-charged opinion piece (without any author name provided) viewed in publication. At the time, West Germany and France wished to sell rights to a steel mill to the city of Peking in China. The writer of the article claims that in doing so, West Germany and France were offending the free world by essentially supplying weapons to those who wished to destroy freedom. China is addressed as a villainous entity, hell-bent on wounding worldwide democracy while France and West Germany are described as unappreciative countries which were basically funded by the United States after World War 1 and wish to only disrespect the country in return. Charles de Gaulle is specifically addressed by the anonymous author as raucous and inappropriate in his basic manner. The fact that there is no discernable author to this piece, matched with the political cartoon next to it showing two figures representing West Germany and France pushing a steel factory toward Peking while the iconic Uncle Sam attempts desperately to push it away, gives a hint as to what the general political views on campus may have been at the time.
A final article to be addressed would be an event description of “Jazz In Church”, where free-range jazz musicians played a session alongside a sermon at the nearby school chapel. The author claimed that the music went very well with the service, allowed it to seem more modern and that the Church may (and should) attempt the event again. This is a stark contrast to the front page of the 1960 issue of The Anchor where students were criticized for not respecting the service solemnly and appropriately.
Without a doubt, comparing three issues of The Anchor has opened many new windows of observation for me in terms of addressing the school’s past. I had no idea that religion played such a major part of the school’s going-ons, or how those very religious practices would eventually change. The student government’s role has changed so drastically over the course of the last forty years, as well; it has gone from a group focused on the cafeteria’s orderliness to a group deciding upon the spending of many thousands of dollars. The problem with parking being as ancient as it seems to be is very humorous in that it is the main gripe that people seem to find with the campus itself. The professionalism of The Anchor itself seems to improve even over the course of six years as the format became less casual and advertisements became more common, but not as blatant and obtrusive as they are now. The changes in The Anchor have not been bad, however; after all, ending every article with a cheesy line certainly doesn’t contribute to quality.

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Church services at a college. That's what PC is for, I suppose. I hear it's a nice school.

I'm going back to listening to Scientist - fantastic dub reggae artist, spoil yourself on him. If you read all the way to this point, you're a confusing kind of person.

An Intro

My name is Sean. I was advised to start a blog, so here it is. This post is a placeholder, so it will have some substance if someone Googles my name - I'd like to bore them a little bit. Nothing juicy here. Sorry, folks. My goal for this blog is to achieve a return to constant writing, a state everyone should achieve. Write everyday, it's as good as apples.

What follows is a piece of work I had to do for a Russian Identity assignment pertaining to the works of Berdyaev, who I consider atrociously biased and Slavophilic. If you have any interest in what I said, read on.

I wrote it while in a bad mood, and I guess it shows - I didn't really hate the guy despite his almost humorous admiration of very dead and otherwise overworked Russians. Enjoy.

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Berdyaev’s argument is that since the time of Kiev’s position as the seat of power for the people of Russia, the lands of the Rus have always been torn between eastern and western influences. His statement that Russia has been a place of pain and has developed a timeline of tumultuousness throughout the ages immediately sets the tone for his description of the five different Russia’s: Kievan Rus, Mongol Russia, Muscovite Russia, Imperial Russia and Soviet Russia. Kievan Russia was a time of culture beyond those of Europe as Russia was superior in the categories of art and architecture. Under Muscovite rule, an intellectual culture never flourished; this period of Russia was bereft of “thought and speech”. Russia has a primordial disposition toward nature; it was strictly religious under Orthodoxy and under influence from the West, specifically the late Roman-Byzantine Empire. Peter himself was a supporter of western ideals, removing from power the pious Muscovites. This leads to a comparison between Peter and Lenin’s respective revolutions; while both were brutal and executed to sharply change Russia, Lenin’s revolution inspired the common man to take part in history while Peter’s revolution thickened the lines between Russia’s classes. This led to a continuing struggle between the incorporation between western ideals and eastern lifestyles.

Berdyaev’s approach to the subject of Russia’s identity being torn between East and West seems fairly slanted against what he calls the “Latin” West. The first comparison Berdyaev makes is that the near-ancient realm of Kievan Russia produced a level of culture greater than contemporary Europe. In that statement, Berdyaev shows his outright bias toward the subject of Russia’s superiority over its western neighbors and sets the stage for the rest of his piece. Berdyaev’s blanket summation that Kievan Russia’s production of iconography and architecture surpassed all of the West seems like a statement one may make in an attempt to start an argument due to how unnecessarily pretentious it seems; after all, what of even ancient Roman architecture that survives to this day? Past that, European architecture in places such as Germany with its monumental Gothic architecture certainly does not deserve a snubbing. In addition, the many historical pieces of Christian art in Italy (specifically Rome) are a notable aspect of the West’s skills with iconography. Depending on Berdyaev’s definition of the West and his possible inclusion of Al-Andalus, the architecture of southern Spain’s Moorish occupants during medieval times is still considered a landmark in architectural history as quite magnificent. Berdyaev also explains, at length, Russia’s kinship with nature being a major aspect of why it is unique from the West. While possibly not as major, why does he fail to even mention the severe historical importance of the forests to the Germanic people, who avoided being conquered by the vastly powerful Roman Empire and eventually ending the reign of the Western Roman Empire due to their reliance on the black forests of northern Europe? An appreciation and involvement with nature, while special in Russia’s case, is not a historical quality belonging solely to Russia. Finally, Berdyaev criticizes the overall major impact of the West as a blow against the common Russian citizen and an emboldening of the Russian nobility, separating the country to an extreme point. While the West may have had an impact upon the social structure of Russia with the possible influence of feudalism and serfdom (which would eventually become huge aspects of the Russian social crisis), Berdyaev already admits earlier in his piece that in order to control the mighty amount of lands under the Russian flag a despotic leader is almost a necessity. Undoubtedly, Russia would have found its social classes greatly separated despite the impact of the West due to the harsh reality of survival and superiority.

On the other hand, the duality Berdyaev employs is an interesting and nominally informative method of informing the reader about Russia’s patchwork identity. His most striking initial comparison between the East and West’s impacts upon Russia is that of religion as Berdyaev explains the “Russian spirit”. As stated, Russians are a paradoxically spiritual people; although they have the influence of pagan naturalism from the East instilling a hardy appreciation for natural life, the influence of the West in the form of Orthodox Christianity instills a strict system of faith in the Russian people. Berdyaev’s statement that the Russian people were molded by a combination of an appreciation of nature and the Orthodox Church into who the Russians are historically known to be is a striking statement. Also, Berdyaev goes on to explain another unique aspect of Russia in its territory; while the West is steeped in formulation and categories in terms of organizing a nation, Russia has a nigh-boundless landscape which would be extremely hard to manage unless under the fist of a strong, despotic leader. This factor is particularly important when one consider Berdyaev’s later quoting of Russian historian Kluchevsky who stated that as ‘the state expands, the people grow sickly.’ Berdyaev’s claim that the East and West’s unique impact on Russia’s religion instilled in its people a sense of dogmatism and the ability to put up with earthly suffering to exist in the afterlife, two factors that are certainly true after noting the material for the course; the Russian people have endured a harsh, back-breaking existence. Yet another note of importance would be the author’s claim that no matter what the professed religious views of a Russian, due to the hardships they must endure, they are “always apocalyptic or nihilist”, lending credibility to the impact of Russia’s roughness on its own people.

A portion of Berdyaev’s piece that is of particular interest is that of his commentary on Peter the Great’s own dualism between East and West. He compares Peter to the Bolsheviks, even going as far as to address him as such. Berdyaev states that Peter wanted to “destroy the old Muscovite Russia”, which had been mostly untainted by western ideals and had remained fairly alone in its practices. In his description of Peter, Berdyaev seems to infer that Peter’s attempt to modernize (and effectively westernize) his people was a savage attack upon the Russian spirit itself and a traitorous act against the Russian people. He is mentioned as executing his own son for believing in the heart and soul of Muscovy and cracking down and any Russians in positions of religious power despite their faith, comparing him to the Bolsheviks once more (more specifically, the Society of the Godless, a militant atheist organization). He compares Peter’s revolution to the October Revolution of 1917 as barbaric, violent, authoritarian and ultimately detrimental to the Russian people, making one major note of difference: while the Bolsheviks’ acts forced the involvement of the common man into the realm of history-making, Peter’s revolution drew further lines between the Russian people and benefitted only the highest in Russian society. Berdyaev makes another backhanded comparison concerning the West, calling Peter’s actions reminiscent of enlightened absolutism, as Peter had secularized the Russian Orthodox Church and empowered it as just another branch of his government.

Overall it seems that through his beliefs on the subject of Peter and his constant comparisons of the Imperial leader to the Russian communists of the 20^th century, Berdyaev seems to simply have a grudge against the West and any attempts at tweaking Russia even slightly toward western ideals. Although he admits Peter’s actions were “unavoidable”, Berdyaev seems more like an imperial apologist as opposed to a critic of the West. Despite his avoidance of many facts absolving the West of the sins it has apparently committed against the Russian spirit and people, Berdyaev’s employment of duality does do quite a job of explaining the tumultuous history of Russia and how it has come to be what it currently represents. Without a doubt, the West did indeed play quite a role in the advancement of the Russian people through the ages. Berdyaev seems to be highly negative toward Western influence, instead seeming to believe that Russia would have been better off without it. Whether or not this is true is very much up for argument, although this humble student disagrees vehemently with Berdyaev’s rhetoric.

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There'll be more here soon. Unless I abandon it immediately - which I hope to avoid doing.